In my previous post I began with a general discussion of CD fetishism and how it is articulated into regimes of submission for the broadcast (circulation and publicity) of audio recordings in the field of college radio. Here I wish to begin to elaborate that discussion by going into further detail on the different configurations, modes, means and rationales of CD fetishism that I encountered during my survey. However, before I delve into typologies I would like to present a more abstracted discussion on engaging ‘the popular’.
It would be a misrepresentation to suggest that college radio has somehow availed of an ideological allegiance on the “side” of the CD production model as the hegemonic audio format for legitimating a given maker of a popular kind of music. While an ‘ideological’ investment may pertain in some rarity of cases, the advent of CD fetishism in the field of college radio, as I will point out, is less a formal will to the universalization of a given audio format and, in the main, a number of historical contingencies which enabled college radio to come into being.
On “the Popular”
Before moving to discuss in later posts a typology of college radio stations in relation to CD fetishism and their submission regimes, I wish to clarify my position in relation to this loaded concept of ‘popular’. I do not use the term popular in a disparaging way, as has been the case with far too long a lineage of social theorists (See radical theorists like Pierre Bourdieu, the Frankfurt School, as well as liberal theorists like Robert Putnam). Current discourses on the Left have worked well to build upon and move past the all-encompassing tendrils of “ideology” with its inescapable claws and elitist conceptual markers of ‘high’ and ‘low’ cultural forms (See Tony Bennett, Janice Radway, and even the contested and contestable Slavoj Zizek for radical and radical feminist perspectives, or the work of Henry Jenkins or Liesbet van Zoonen for a liberal take).
A little known, but nonetheless true fact related to the trans-national anti-comics campaign circa 1920s-1950s, but the various Communist, Socialist, and Social Democratic parties sided with radical, progressive, and conservative liberals of the period to wage a censorship campaign (See the anthology on the international dimensions of the anti-comics campaign edited by Lent, J. 1999). This actually placed organizers of the Left on the ground, the left’s ‘organic intellectuals’, in a culturally awkward situation.
Responsible for mediating the links between the ‘party line’ and its constituent working class ‘mass’ in places like the newsletter, party meetings, union organizing, and on the work floor, organizers of ‘the Left’ sought to actively discourage the reading of comics and encourage the civilizing process of learning to appreciate the gratifications of ‘high’ cultural productions. Party membership collapsed in short order and workers walked out of the revolutionary doors, and many for good to go and enjoin their political allegiance to one of the various capitalist political organizations or, whether for better or worse, to no political organization at all.
On the one hand, the liberal discourse disparaged comics and the reading of them in the terms of social control, and by extension eugenics, linking the product and practice to crime and illiteracy, immigration and feeblemindedness. For ‘the Left’, on the other hand (or rather in addition), the comic book was considered party to capitalism’s imperialist epistemology and a vehicle for the imperialist capitalism’s ideological conquest of worker allegiance.
For these modern radicals the popular graphic text was naught but a tool for making the worker perceive their own subservience as the legitimate and natural order of things. In both cases, ‘the popular’ was evicted from political and revolutionary—hegemonic—discourse and with it a key constituent of hegemonic struggle came to be alienated from a radical left discourse which, as I have written about elsewhere, was in fact very much present in the comics discourse, albeit in a pseudo-populist form. The virtues of radical class struggle and smart identity politics is an apparent theme even and especially in the first issues of that American superpower par excellence, ‘Superman’ (See the 1937 Action Comics 1).
Ironically, the ‘right’ feared comic books for the threat they posed to the liberal, capitalist, and democratic world order, while the ‘left’ feared them for their supposed dampening of revolutionary will, their complication of the uniform identity of the ‘revolutionary worker’, and for their role in conserving the liberal capitalist hegemony over the (un)democratic world. Whereas the first temptation is to ask, ‘well which is it’, I think the more fruitful position is that classic piece of intellectual blackmail, ‘neither and both’. It seems the more efficacious strategy for emmancipatory actors and discourse is to engage popular culture, and not be so haughty as to remain ignorant and fail to engage popular genres as texts, production regimes, and circulations of readership all with emmancipatory potentials.
Of course, this is not a novel proposition. It is a point well developed not only in ‘left’ philosophical discourse, but also in many of the discourses of social research to emerge after Barthes, Foucault, radical feminism, and the 1980s (re)turn to a Gramscian reading of Marx. However, despite these discussions, not only do many academic discourses continue to partake in formalist discussions of the relation of popular culture and levels of ‘social cohesion’ and ‘civic engagement’ or ‘degrees of deliberative democracy’, but on the ground most radical activist organizations continue with positions which stigmatize, to varying degrees, the content, and often the form of popular cultural productions.
Organic Intellectuals and College Radio as “the Musical Progressive”
Now to turn the discussion back to college radio, the position of college radio, or at least its position in myth as a kind of ‘progressive’ and/or ‘counter-hegemonic’ force in the field of musical production. Regardless whether or not this reputation is an earned one, it must be said that the reputation is linked to at least one distinguishing trend of most college radio—the relative freedoms of student DJs and station Directors as organic intellectuals of radio broadcasting. An ‘organic intellectual’ is a Gramscian term for a doer in some field of social or community relations, a person who deploys, directs, uses, manages some technology, position, or relation—these are technicians, managers, and so on.
And thus these subject-positions of college radio must be considered as constitutive and constituting of fields which partake in the hegemonic struggles over regimes of culture, practice, language, production, work, etc. This is the relevance of what most stations call their “submission policy” or “submission guidelines” which apply to all record labels or musicians who wish to add their musical speech to a particular (trans)local or virtual circuit of popular culture. So long as radio broadcasting remains a viable or priority circuit of publication for musical speech, and so long as these nodes in the flows of a cultural circulatory maintain a “CD only” policy, the field of musical production will fall short of its present emmancipatory potential as a field of and for free and fearless speech.
Vested Devices: the accidental fetishism of the technophobic and the techno-poor
Despite college radio stations’ near unanimous mandate and reliance on CD (or sometimes “at least” CDR) airplay submissions, this mandate is stated or persists and performs in a variety of manners. To problematize an essentializing tendency on my part in the very form of the term “CD fetishism”, I have considered college stations, for now, in relation to four broad types of CD fetishism: Techno-poor/Technophobic, Proprietary, Mythological, Audiophiliac, and Efficiency Waste. I will for now discuss the first type, saving the other three for following posts.
The thing with typologies, of course, is that as interpretive artifice they always fail to ‘capture’ and define adequately all types so that, in the end, there is always not only mis-categorization, but a category devoted to ‘that which does not fit’—an ever present and, perhaps, ‘spectral’ remainder of the ordering of perception and interpretation. That said, these types I identify are contingent articulations of a mode of identification, and as hermeneutic tools contain (ir)reducibly particular relations within networks of living forces and all their open-ended potentiality, specific history and context, and idiosyncratic manner.
I contain roughly three categories of college stations in what I call “technophobic and techno-poor” college stations.
First, this category contains those many college radio stations which, despite the advent of the so-called “information economy” have not taken the time, have not acquired the resources, or perhaps lack the knowledge or support from their university to establish even a basic web presence.
It is also intended to denote those stations who, although they have at some point, or perhaps recently, established a web presence, the website itself lacks updates, useful information, or basic functionality for fans or music professionals so that even finding a playlist or the station’s submission policy requires sending an email to an overburdened music director who, in my experience, will probably not respond.
Finally, this category denotes stations who have established at least a moderately functional web presence, but who demand submissions on CD only (or maybe vinyl) because they ‘lack the necessary tools to broadcast digital files such as mp3’.
Whether or not this lack of technology, resources for technology, or technological know-how constitutes a form of CD fetishism is questionable, or at least not readily demonstrated. It seems, rather, a more or less structurated outcome of a number of factors. First, many contemporary college radio stations were establishing their selves at a time (1980s-1990s) when the CD format attained hegemony over musical consumption so that to establish a station meant, beyond all the broadcast apparatuses, obtaining and using the proprietary play device we conventionally call a CD player. Thus, spare resources were invested in particular means of broadcast.
Second, most college radio stations are not places of long-term employment. Students circulate in and out of the station and its management/administrative positions from one semester or school year to the next. Not only does this make long-term planning difficult, but it makes the level of techno-skill present at the station unpredictable and, I suspect, the morale for committing to long-term projects lower than what one finds in ‘the professional world’.
As an organization staffed by college students, those who do possess techno-skill may only possess a pre-professional level while those who possess a professional level of techno-skill may well have little time or interest in pro bono work for their college radio station which, they well know, will probably not be “their” station upon graduation. In other words, those possessed of skill needed to open a given college radio station to the online world may well be devoting the extra-curricular use of that skill, understandably, to money making opportunities for things like tuition, books, food, and an actual career.
Third, and this is applicable to all stations not just the techno-poor and technophobes, there is no shortage of music on CD and/or CDR sent by record labels able to float the publicity costs just as there is no shortage of student DJs coming in with their own CDs and CDRs to play (or run through the Music Director). In other words, this is a situation where an organization can afford to be anachronistic and continue (for now) to play by the ‘old rules’.
While it is clear from my last post that I find myself waging a kind of battle against CD fetishism, it is important to make clear that CD fetishists are not intellectual or professional “villains”. They are people deploying tactics in given situations to realize personal and organizational strategies which, in most cases, are understandable. While I would prefer that more college radio stations make information on and access to their broadcasting platform available more broadly, I also understand the situation many college radio stations and their volunteer workers find their selves.
This then begs the questions of strategy. What does the discussion of this type of ‘CD fetishist’ imply for the publication strategies for labels like Deconomics Records? And, by extension, as more labels like Deconomics Records come into being how might (college) radio not only adapt itself to the democratization of publication regimes for (popular) music, but how might its nodes of power move from a reactionary or conservatory position to become more radically and pro-actively enjoined to the emancipation of musical production from its capitalist tropes of profit and cultural aristocracy?
These are questions I will close with, for now, but will return to in a few weeks time after I’ve brought my discussion of college radio and CD fetishism to a coda.